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| The PMAC in the mid-1970s: at center are Mengistu, Teferi, Atnafu. |
Continuing
a series of reprints from the EPRP’s press of the 1970s, I'm happy to
present two related unsigned articles from an issue of Abyot,
originally published in August of 1976. These articles deal with the
increasing repression by Ethiopia's military regime, foreshadowing
the most violent period when the EPRP’s armed urban wing began a
series of targeted counter-assassinations only to be met by the
massive organized extermination campaign that came to be called the
“Red Terror.”
I have retyped this from the published manuscript, and with a couple
minor exceptions, not attempted to add any of my own editing or
corrections; some
of the writing in these articles is a little awkward.
Following
the original text, reproduced here in full, I will add some reference
notes on unfamiliar terms and names, and offer a few thoughts of my
own analysis, and some correlating details. —ish
From Abyot, Vol. 1 No. 6, August 1976:
THE TOTTERING REGIME OF THE DERG
THE ETHIOPIAN PEOPLES REVOLUTIONARY PARTY has consistently
affirmed that the regime of the Derg is terribly isolated, fascistic
and inherently anti-democratic. For all those who had the common
sense and the conviction to see through the regime's demogogy and the
apologist press, it was/is clear that the Derg is wobbling on its
feet and is clinging to power only due to the backing of US
imperialism and the use of brute force against the popular masses.
Events since May Day have proven the EPRP's affirmation and pointed
out that the popular demand for the establishment of a popular
provisional government is the only solution to get the country out of
chaos by giving power to the masses.
The Derg's problem, which started the day it took over power and
even first when it constituted itself and moved objectively to
perpetuate the exploitative system, are insoluble and immense. Its
demagogy, its radical rhetorics, its blind repression have not
succeeded to arrest the mass struggle. In the cities and the rural
areas, the class struggle rages on. It has put out fascistic laws
curtailing all democratic liberties, it has outlawed strikes
(punishable by death “in serious cases”), made contact with the
EPRP a fatal “crime,” arrested and executed countless militants.
But the defiant struggle of the proletariat and poor peasantry, as
well as that of the democratic petty-bourgeoisie, continued unabated.
The EPRP is getting stronger more and more. The forms of combat of
the masses are diversifying and deepening. The contradictions within
the Derg itself are exploding violently and manifesting themselves in
bloody purges. The democratic movement of soldiers is gaining
strength.
The Derg has led Ethiopia into a political and economic chaos that
has never been seen before. It had crowned terror as its demagogy,
which was supposed to have been improved by the Haile Fida group of
pro-fascist intellectuals, fails miserably to confuse the masses.
Within the present context of developing, rich, complex and difficult
revolutionary process in which the EPRP is assuming the vanguard
role, the neo-colonial regime of the Derg is doomed.
THE REASONS FOR THE EXECUTIONS OF “19” PERSONS
On July 13, the military regime announced that it has executed
“19” persons. Among the executed figured Major Sisaye Derg member
and chief of the Political and Foreign Affairs commission, General
Getachew Nadew, military governor of Eritrea, seven individuals
accused of “economic sabotage”, seven others accused of “leading
the country into a bloodbath” (actually a junta monopoly!), two of
taking “bribes” and one for “selling state secrets.”
To begin with all evidence points out that the number of executed
goes up to 75–81 of whom many were arrested workers, students, etc.
Secondly one is obliged to go deep into the reasons for these
executions as the junta is a known liar and as it has a habit of
mixing leftists and rightists and executing them together under the
label of “counter revolutionaries.”
 |
Meison leader Haile Fida, left;
with Negede Gobeze,
in Europe in the early 1970s. |
The execution of Sisaye manifests the instability that grips the
Derg at such a high level of its power-holders. Though Sisaye, a
well-known rightist, was rumored many times to be in the process of
preparing a coup d'etat, it seems unlikely that he actually attempted
one as the Derg wants to make us believe. Sisay's fate was sealed
when he came out in open (in a latest Derg meeting) and
uncompromising opposition to the alliance between Major Mengistu
(chief of the Derg) and the Haile Fida led intellectuals grouped
around the “All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement”, a reformist
outfit. Thanks to the backing of Major Mengistu, the Haile Fida
clique not only started a purge within the military and the
bureaucracy but was filling these vacant posts with its own loyal
people. As ministers, political commissars, directors, executives of
the powerful “Peoples' Organizing Office”, the Haile Fidas were
becoming a threat to Sisay and his group. Their Peoples' Organizing
Office was making his political commission powerless. They were
sending his elements within the Derg to foreign countries on the
flimsy pretext of “political education courses” (Sisaye's
assistant, lieutenant Bewketu Kassa, refused to go to Moscow for such
an education and is now in hiding). Major Kiros member of the Derg
and reactionary head of the “zemetcha” (Campaign of students to
teach in the rural areas), was also opposed to the Haile Fida group.
There is no doubt that Major Sisaye was a trusted man of the
Americans. When Kissinger visited Kenya, Sisaye talked to him for
three hours in the Nairobi Continental Hotel. No doubt they must have
discussed the chronic instability of the Derg. America, which plays a
double game of fully supporting the Derg and also trying to stabilise
it via a coup from within it was no doubt symphatetic to the Major.
All in all then, Sisaye's elimination is a victory for the Haile Fida
group who have utilised the occasion to continue the purge of all the
elements opposed to them. Within the Derg itself, the contradictions
sharpen and become concretised between the colonel Atnafu and Major
Mengistu groups.
In fact, it is reported that the seven civil servants executed
under the charge of leading the country into a bloodbath are
pro-Atnafu elements. All are Gojjame Amharas, and Atnafu (who is from
Gojjam himself) have been known to use regionalist sentiments to find
backing for himself. Reports of other pro-Atnafu elements are also
coming in.
The death of General Getachew Nadew seems to have been
precipitated by his support to the demand of soldiers in Eritrea who
refused to fight and called on the Derg to find a peaceful solution.
In fact, the general had brought such a message to Addis Abeba prior
to his execution. Though politically a rightist, he was claiming to
support the soldiers' demands. As to the other seven who were
executed on charges of economic sabotage (for having kilos of red
pepper) were added to the list of execution for colour. Some of them
were mere guards of stores, one was an old man who rented a store to
a merchant, one other was the son of a merchant who had escaped.
These people, whom the Derg presented as rich traders were so rich
that a collection of funds has been initiated at the Mosque in the
market area for their bereaved and destitute families! The person
executed for “selling state secrets” was an unemployed who had
earlier been demoted (from Major) and expelled from the Army by the
Haile Sellasie regime for no other reason than for having sold
secrets if the state to a foreign country!
Considering the frequent executions that the Derg carries out from
time to time (openly and in secrets), it may seem justified to think
that it consults a witchdoctor who advices it to engage in such a
practice to exorcise all problems! However, these executions are
dramatic affirmations of the intense problems that the Derg faces. It
is gripped with a developing mass struggle that in turn fuels and
accentuates the internal contradictions of the Derg itself. Sisaye's
execution may give space to Major Mengistu but is a poisoned
atmosphere. The latitude of manoeuver is restricted by the masses who
have entered the political scene with conviction and unity since
February 1974 and are NOT at all disposed to assume secondary roles.
The mounting repression against the masses show that the Derg's
so-called programme has failed, it means that its alliance with the
traitorous intellectuals led by Haile Fida has not brought it any
solace. It means that we shall witness more executions in the near
future as a result of the internal power struggle of the Derg.
Unlike the reformists, we do not have worries or nightmares
speculating as to whether it will be the body of Major Mengistu or
that of colonel Atnafu that will be riddled with bullets. We shall
continue the struggle against the whole fascist batch and
imperialism. If we have anything to add to this it is to caution the
progressive world about the practice of the junta of killing known
reactionaries together with revolutionaries and labelling the whole
of them as “counter revolutionaries.” In november 1974 (when it
executed feudalists along with more than six democratic soldiers and
officers) when it executed Tadesse Birru and student leader Melese
Tekle, recently in Agare when it killed militant Zematch student
along with feudalists, the junta has shown its sly manoeuvre to cover
up its anti-revolutionary actions and dupe the international
progressive forces. Such forces, who should expose and attack the
repressive junta, need to remain vigilant.
— End of original articles —
NOTES:
Sisaye or
Sisay is Major Sisaye Habte, who was referred to in a
previous post.
Haile Fida was the leader of the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement, or Meison, which we have discussed
here at great length. Long active in the Ethiopian Student Movement in Europe, he returned to Ethiopia after the 1974 revolution, opened a left book shop, and began to act as a political adviser to left-leaning members of the Derg; he was a renowned Oromo linguist. Meison joined the Derg's POMOA, and became instrumental in guiding the repression of EPRP. When Meison fell out of official favor in 1977, Haile Fida went underground. He was captured and executed by the Derg in 1978.
Colonel Atnafu Abate was Vice Chairman of the ruling junta, the PMAC, with Mengistu Hailemariam. He has been briefly discussed in
previous posts. At this juncture, 1976, the PMAC was led by non Derg-member General Teferi Bente. Teferi was to be killed in early 1977 when Mengistu seized control of the government. As predicted here, Atnafu and Mengistu eventually came to blows: Atnafu was killed by Mengistu later in 1977.
Tadesse Birru was an Oromo nationalist, a General in the Ethiopian Army under Haile Selassie. He was imprisoned by both the Emperor and the Derg for his activities, and executed in 1975.
SOME THOUGHTS FROM ISH:
One of the major revisionist narratives of post-revolutionary Ethiopian history is that the EPRP initiated the violence that ultimately consumed its urban strength and leadership, and therefore bears the brunt of responsibility for the massive bloodletting that was shortly to follow. It's been pretty clear to me from the course of my research that while EPRP may be accused of escalating the violence, or of unwisely pursuing an unwinnable urban guerrilla strategy, the EPRP was absolutely responding to the Derg's consistent use of brute force to inflict its will. These articles, published in advance of the EPRP's decisions to commence military action against the Derg and to violently retaliate against the pro-Derg civilian leftists like Haile Fida's Meison — who seemed, by the way, to have been more than instrumental in picking out targets for government repression — clearly document an already extant pattern of lethal force...by the Derg, not the EPRP.
The political assassinations had actually commenced in November of 1974 when the Derg executed dozens of officials from the previous governments and the ranks of the nobility, adding in a few of its own members for good measure. Setting aside the ongoing military conflicts in Eritrea and the various localized peasant and national minority uprisings that continued to background the first few years of the revolution, the military regime showed an understanding of the utility of violence. The EPRP members executed along with the others in July 1976 were not the first EPRP members to be killed by the Derg, and they certainly wouldn't be the last.
What these articles also document, is that the military government was itself riven with internal conflict, and violence was a way of resolving those internal contradictions with a certain finality. Ironically it was to be a war with external enemies, the Ogaden war of 1977–78, that would ultimately swing the balance of popular support in the Derg's favor, and suppress for at least a while internal dissent within the regime.
Here's a fascinating sidebar to the story that
Abyot reports. (Well, fascinating to me anyway because I am the world's biggest fan of hot pepper!) In researching the events described in these articles, I came across an article from the
New York Times which reported on the execution of General Getachew and went on to describe the role of red pepper, alluded to by
Abyot, in the Derg's summer 1976 repression. The article was written by Michael T. Kaufman, and entitled
“Ethiopian Regime Puts 18 to Death, Charges Plotting.” It was published on
July 14, 1976. Here's an excerpt:
“The refugees, mostly university students who fled what they described as harassment and repression by the military, rulers, say that the execution of some persons charged with the hoarding of red pepper underscores the council's inability to arrange effective food distribution to the urban centers despite one of the most bountiful crops in Ethiopian history.
Peasants in such fiercely independent regions as Gojam are reportedly refusing to harvest fields except for their own needs as a way of protest against what they view as Government interference with traditional cultural and religious practices.
The refugees say that in the last three months an underground group, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party has managed through unions and commercial organizations to get control over the sale and distribution of red pepper, a key ingredient in the preparation of the Ethiopian national dish, watandnjeri, a spicy, curry‐like stew.
The refugees say that the clandestine party had organized the distribution of pepper to villages but had withheld it from the army. They believe that the announced executions of the hoarders was a council attempt to quash the protest.”
The
Abyot articles mention the Derg's relationship with the United States. I also checked in with Wikileaks for how these events were seen from the viewpoint of the US Embassy.
An Embassy cable from July 23, 1976 reads in part:
“CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING EXECUTIONS ARE STILL UNCLEAR (AND MAY WELL REMAIN SO) INCLUDING REASONS WHY DIRG CHOSE EXECUTION ROUTE RATHER THAN LESS DRASTIC MEASURES. MOVE OCCURRED AGAINST BACKDROP OF FRUSTRATION OVER INTERNAL POLICY FAILURES INCLUDING DISASTROUS OUTCOME OF "OPERATION RAZA" (PEASANT MARCH), PROBLEMS WITHIN AIR FORCE AND AIRBORNE, REPORTED DEMANDS BY SECOND AND THIRD DIVISIONS FOR A RETURN TO CIVILIAN RULE AND PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF ERITREA PROBLEM, LACK OF PROGRESS ON ERITREAN NEGOTIATIONS, SEVERE INFLATION AND SHORTAGE OF SOME IMPORTANT FOOD COMMODITIES IN URBAN MARKETS, AND INCREASED DOMESTIC OPPOSITION FROM THE CLANDESTINE MARXIST GROUP, THE ETHIOPIAN PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (EPRP)….SEVERAL SOURCES HAVE TOLD US THAT THE SEVEN WHO WERE EXEUCTED FOR "PLOTTING AGAINST THE REVOLUTION" (REF B) WERE MEMBERS OF THE CLANDESTINE, ANTI-DIRG ETHIOPIAN'S PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARY PARTY. ALL OF THEM APPEARED TO BE NORTHERNERS, WHICH IS CONSISTENT WITH WHAT WE ARE TOLD IS THE ETHNIC SOMPOSITION OF THAT MARXIST GROUP. TWO OF THE SEVEN, THE ASNAKE BROTHERS, WERE EDUCATED IN VETERINARY MEDICINE, ONE IN THE US, THE OTHER IN EASTERN EUROPE.”
The embassy cables go on to speculate at great length about ethnic conflict within the Derg.
There was clearly some massive mutual ambivalence between US imperialism and the Derg. Nominally, relations were good: some time around this period the US and the Derg agreed to a massive arms deal, which in the event conveniently failed to be consummated before the Derg's 1977 turn to the USSR. Oddly I think the US embassy's general observations bely the EPRP's suggestion that the Derg was a “neo-colonial” regime. While the US embassy was obviously always looking for evidence of communist meddling, their attitude to the military regime is pretty clearly advanced apprehension: they don't talk about the Derg like it was some American creature, a suggestion that historical evidence certainly doesn't validate. Anyway the cables continue to be fascinating reading.
The Ethiopian revolution was about to take a drastic turn. Popular support for EPRP was certainly at a high watermark. Unfortunately,
Abyot's predictions about future violence was to be more accurately prescient than its revolutionary optimism about the instability of the Derg and its faltering popular support.
